No party is immune to a disgruntled electorate
March 16, 2009
By Ethel Hazelhurst
It's hard to tell who was angrier when the ANC adopted conservative economic policies in the mid-90s - its own left wing or the DA (then the Democratic Party), which was disgruntled at having its thunder stolen.
Instead of being vastly relieved that the former proponents of a command economy and the nationalisation of major industries had chosen to follow the free market route - and had even put privatisation high on its agenda - the DA stamped its foot in rage.
Deprived of a central plank of its attack on government, it resorted to querulous knee-jerk criticisms of any and every action of government, regardless of the merits of the case. And it failed to properly acknowledge the success of fiscal and monetary policy that had stabilised the economy after decades of double-digit inflation, gross financial mismanagement in government and huge and mounting government debt.
Those achievements allowed South Africa to conserve the benefits of the recent economic boom and cushion the impact of the threatening global recession. Unlike many other economies, South Africa is not awash with liquidity and government rescue packages and will be much better placed for growth when the cycle turns than many other economies.
The DA's strategy of indiscriminate attack detracted from the impact of its well-founded criticism of government's failure to get the benefits of the economic boom through to municipalities and remote communities around the country.
The economy's delivery channel was dysfunctional because it was clogged by ANC party appointees, instead of being run by professionals. So, despite areas of excellence in government, the poor are only a little less poor today than they were in 1994, and the education system is betraying the revolution by turning out people who are poorly equipped to take the economy to the next level.
By neglecting true reform of the education system it inherited from the apartheid government, the ANC has effectively perpetuated Verwoerdian education policies. Maths and science were once deliberately excluded from the curriculum; now they are often excluded by default because the people who are supposed to teach them are not qualified to do so.
But the ANC was not the only party to betray its roots. The DA betrayed its original support base by welcoming strange personalities into its ranks and then merging temporarily with the New National Party, the recycled remains of the now extinct National Party .
The contradictions within the parties involved in next month's election, and the mixed performance of personalities in the parties, make it difficult for voters not committed by historic loyalties to make a sensible decision on how to cast their vote.
Against this backdrop, campaigning politicians should watch their words and their body language. Mud slinging and grandstanding can be counter-productive. Even the ANC, with its sewn-in support base, is not immune to a backlash from a disenchanted electorate. And, powerful as it is, it is not indestructible.
There was once a time when the National Party seemed unbeatable, guaranteed ethnic support however poorly it managed the economy. But it slowly fragmented, first shedding splinters and finally imploding as the world changed and its centre crumbled.
The ANC is still sitting pretty but, like any party, its days are finite. No world lasts forever and only those capable of adjusting to new challenges can survive.
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